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As the two-year anniversary of Mahsa Zhina Amini’s death in detention approaches, HRA explores a surge in women’s activism in Iran and the worsening repression by the government in response. Despite the passage of time, accountability for the violence remains largely absent, and the situation continues to deteriorate. This report features personal accounts from female prisoners and women who have had interactions with various hijab monitoring bodies. The report delves into a brief historical evolution of protests for women’s rights, and the growing solidarity among women activists over the past 44 years. Further, it examines the government’s view of these movements as threats, leading to an increase in punitive actions such as arrests, violence, and severe legal consequences. 

Through this analysis, HRA aims to highlight the resilience of Iranian women in the face of extreme repression and the broader implications of their struggle for freedom and equality.

The Backdrop Women’s Activism in Iran

1.   Historical Background

In the 44 years since the Islamic Revolution, women’s rights in Iran have been significantly curtailed. The repression and violence against women have not only manifested in physical harm but have also been deeply embedded in political and legislative reforms. Key changes included granting men the exclusive right to seek divorce, implementing mandatory hijab rules, and lowering the legal marriage age for girls from 18 to 9. Women also could not leave the country without the permission of their husbands significantly impacting their right to freedom of movement. Additionally, The Family Protection Courts were initially abolished and replaced by regular courts, later succeeded by family courts presided over by clerics. These cleric-led courts routinely favored husbands in family disputes, further entrenching gender inequality.

Over the past 44 years, these restrictions have fueled a significant increase in women’s activism in Iran, leading to a decades-long struggle. One of the first major protests occurred on March 6, 1979, after Khomeini announced that women would be required to wear veils when entering government property or working in government ministries. This sparked a six-day protest, led by women, opposing the mandatory hijab ruling and advocating for equal rights. In response, pro-Khomeini Islamist forces met the protests with extreme violence and intimidation, including the chant: “Either hijab or a smack in the head!” Despite this, many women refused to be silenced, continuing to form women’s associations and gather, particularly in universities. By 1983, the government had passed laws punishing women who refused to comply with mandatory veiling. These laws led to severe harassment, assaults on women’s activists, and their eventual arbitrary arrests.1

2. Previous Protests        

After the 1979 protest, numerous protests and significant moments of women-led activism have continued. On 12 June 2006, the One Million Signatures Campaign began after a gathering in Tehran’s Haft-Tir Square to mark Iranian Women’s Unity Day. Various groups came together to demand reform of discriminatory laws against women, especially focusing on family laws. Iranian women had been advocating for change for decades, but this campaign represented the most comprehensive and dynamic effort seen thus far. After months of preparation, the campaign produced three key documents: (1) A petition calling for legal changes, which was meant to collect one million signatures. (2) A campaign plan that outlined the goals, methods, and structure of the movement. (3) A pamphlet titled The Effect of Laws on Women’s Lives, distributed by activists to raise awareness and gather support. The campaign, known for its grassroots approach, united women from diverse backgrounds and built a strong foundation for  a long history of advocating for women’s rights in Iran. Despite facing government repression and the arrest of activists, it became a significant milestone in the fight for gender equality. The One Million Signatures Campaign continues to symbolize the ongoing struggle for legal reforms and gender justice in Iran.2

Launched in May 2017, The White Wednesday movement encouraged women to wear white head scarves or other white clothing on Wednesdays as a peaceful yet bold act of resistance. By choosing white—a symbol of peace—the movement underscores the desire for freedom and autonomy in the face of state-enforced dress codes. Through the present day, women bravely share videos and photos of themselves, sometimes removing their hijabs in public, on social media platforms, despite knowing the severe consequences they could face from the government–they are the faces of the collective bravery of Iranian women. This movement has not only mobilized women but has also garnered support from men and others who stand in solidarity against the regime’s oppressive laws. The Iranian government has responded with harsh repression, arresting and imprisoning those who participate.

3. 2022 Protests “Woman, Life, Freedom”     

The 2022 protests represented a culmination of years of frustration, inequality, and repression. After the death in detention of Masha Zhina Amini following her encounter with the morality police for alleged hijab compliance, the country erupted in nationwide protests for 82 consecutive days–and more in some areas. Protestors came out onto the street with the slogan ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’, these protests were centralized around women’s rights but also the repressive laws, and the regime itself.  These protests were violently quashed by the anti-riot police and Iran’s militia force (Basij). Teargas, pellets, and live ammunition were used in the repression of protests. One HRA investigation even uncovered the use of paintball guns. The protests took place in 31 provinces, 160 cities, and 143 major universities. Tragically, these protests also led to the death of at least 530 individuals,3 including 68 children and teenagers. It’s also estimated that 18,242 protesters were arrested, HRA confirmed the identity of 3,670 arrested citizens, 605 students and 61 journalists or activists. 

The 2022 nationwide protests were unlike any other protests the country had seen before. Unlike recent protests, which were largely driven by economic or environmental concerns, these demonstrations were centered on political and human rights demands. Because the protests were sparked by the death of a young Kurdish and Sunni woman, her identity highlighted the intersection of gender, ethnic, and religious discrimination.

Iranian youth, with an average age of 15 according to law enforcement officials, played a pivotal role in these protests. An unprecedented solidarity emerged between Iranians within the country and those in the diaspora, uniting almost all classes of society, including the urban middle class, lower and upper classes, different ethnic and religious groups, sexual minorities, and various trade groups such as teachers, workers, students, professors, artists, and athletes. Businesses also demonstrated their support by participating in strikes. In terms of duration, these protests are among the longest continuous protests since the inception of the Islamic Republic.

The international community, particularly celebrities in arts, culture, and politics, has shown unprecedented support for the protesters, amplifying their demands and drawing global attention to the situation in Iran. The protests’ focus on women’s rights has revealed the progressive and assertive nature of Iranian society. The protests were often women led and demonstrated significant female leadership and participation and supported by men. One distinguishing feature of these protests is the unarmed demonstrators who frequently confronted security forces, often standing together to prevent arrests and resisting the Moral Security Police, whose decades-long interference in women’s personal lives fueled public anger.

In addition to the street protests, cyber warfare emerged between opponents and supporters of the regime, with numerous government sites being hacked. The hashtag #MahsaAmini became the first in Twitter’s history to surpass 284 million tweets, reflecting the global solidarity with the protesters. The Iranian government, this time, allowed FARAJA, the main law enforcement agency, greater latitude in repressing the protests, and employed alternative methods for controlling communication, such as reducing internet speed rather than cutting it off entirely, and filtering certain sites. Media outlets close to Iran’s security apparatus attempted to cover the protests in a way that favored the government, often underreporting the number of deaths during the protests.

These protests, despite lacking centralized leadership, have demonstrated the determination of Iranian society, particularly its younger generation, to secure their basic human rights. Iran’s ethnic groups, especially Kurdish and Baloch citizens, who are predominantly Sunni Muslims, have played a significant role in these protests and have also faced some of the most brutal crackdowns.4

Government’s Perception and Response

1.         Threat Perception        

The increased activism around women’s rights, especially regarding the compulsory hijab has made women a target of the government. Since the 16 of September 2022 up until the 18th of August 2024, 682 women have been detained for hijab-related reasons. During the same time period, 18 women’s rights activists have been arrested. Notable arrests include Zahra Dadras, Zhina Modarresi Gorji and Zeinab Khenyab.

Following the recent protests, several political leaders and officials in Iran have made statements regarding the mandatory hijab and women’s activism. On April 3, 2024, Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, declared that compulsory veiling is a “religiously mandated decree and obligatory for women.” He attributed non-compliance to “foreign interference” and emphasized the need to address this issue.5

Subsequently, on April 13, 2024, Abbas Ali Mohammadian, the Commander of Tehran’s police force, announced that the police in Tehran and other provinces would begin confronting individuals who promote “social abnormalities,” such as appearing without a headscarf. He specifically mentioned that those who ignored previous police warnings would receive a final warning, with legal action to follow.6

On April 21, 2024, Hassan Hassanzadeh, the Commander of the Revolutionary Guards in Tehran, introduced the formation of trained groups (the so-called “Ambassadors of Kindness”) to enforce compulsory veiling in public spaces, though he did not specify their exact composition or institutional affiliation.7

Finally, on April 23, 2024, Ahmadreza Radan, the Commander-in-Chief of Iran’s police force (FARAJA), announced the implementation of the “irreversible Noor Plan,” which has received approval from the parliament, judiciary, and government. On the same day, FARAJA issued a statement equating defiance of compulsory veiling with activities of “organized criminal gangs…involved in corruption, prostitution, and pornography.” Additionally, a “Bill to Support the Culture of Chastity and Hijab” is nearing adoption in Iran’s parliament. If passed, this law will formalize the government’s crackdown on women and girls defying the compulsory veiling mandate and will severely deepen the gender divide.8

The Iranian government perceives women’s activism, particularly in opposition to compulsory hijab, as a significant threat to its ideological and social control. Statements from key political and military leaders relieve a narrative that frames defiance of mandatory veiling not merely as a social or religious issue but as a challenge to state authority, ‘influenced by foreign interference.’  These statements also highlight the premeditated intent of the regime to suppress dissent. The rhetoric used by figures such as Ali Khamenei and Ahmadreza Radan equates women’s activism with organized crime and societal corruption, showcasing a deep-seated fear of the potential for these movements to destabilize the regime’s traditionalist foundations. The implementation of measures like the “irreversible Noor Plan” and the formation of enforcement groups like the “Ambassadors of Kindness” further underscores the government’s commitment to quelling these movements through legal, political, and physical means, viewing the activism as a direct assault on the state’s moral and cultural codes. This reaction highlights the regime’s view of women’s activism not just as a demand for rights but as a broader existential threat to the state’s ideological hegemony.

2. Current hijab monitoring bodies 

The hijab monitoring bodies often enforce violent methods to force women to comply with the mandatory hijab rules. So far in 2024, around 620 women have been arrested under Operation Noor. On June 21, on a street in Tehran, two teenage girls were violently assaulted and arrested by agents.9 These girls were then transferred to the Morality Police in a white van. According to the mother of one of the girls, when she visited the Morality Police, she saw her daughter with a bruised face, swollen lips, a bruised neck, and torn clothes. Additionally, they were threatened not to file complaints against the officers.

This incident resulted in injuries to at least one of the girls, Nafas Haji-Sharif, 14 years old. Maryam Abbasi, Nafas Haji-Sharif’s mother, disclosed that on July 1, her daughter was beaten by agents. She provided documents, including a video of the confrontation recorded by CCTV cameras, to Ensaf News. The video released from the time of the girls’ arrest shows that the girls were trying to hide on another street but were attacked by the agents. In the video, one of the girls is seen being severely beaten by the officers. As she resisted arrest, the officers grabbed her hair, dragged her violently on the ground, and forced her into a white van.

Maryam Abbasi said, “The hijab enforcers violently forced my daughter and her friend into the van, and her head was slammed into an electric post. Inside the van, they put their foot on my daughter’s neck and pulled her hair.” She also provided pictures of the injuries on her daughter’s body.

Abbasi mentioned that when she went to the Morality Police, she found her daughter with a bruised face, swollen lips, and a bruised neck. She also claimed that the officers involved in the incident treated her dismissively and ignored her complaint. She stated that the on-duty judge allowed her access to the CCTV footage, but subsequent follow-ups have been unsuccessful. She continues to call on various police and judicial authorities to investigate and address her complaint.

Meanwhile, the Morality Police claim that a female officer’s fingers were broken in the altercation and that the case’s judge threatened them not to file a complaint against the officers. Abbasi said, “In the presence of a lawyer, they told me not to complain against the officers; otherwise, the Intelligence and Security forces would get involved, making it costly for you and out of our control.”

In a similar act of violence against women, on July 22, Arezou Badri was heading home from work with her sister Sara while their car was flagged by the Law Enforcement Forces (LEF) for improper hijab. Instead of de-escalating the situation, a First Sergeant in the LEF opened fire on the car as Sara attempted to drive away. One of the bullets struck Arezou in the spine. She was rushed to the hospital for emergency surgery. Arezou will likely never walk again.

In a conversation with HRA, several women told their stories of what it was like to be confronted and arrested by Operation Noor officers. One women stated “With the resumption of the Noor Plan this year (April 13, 2024), at 6 PM in Enghelab Square, I was attacked by plainclothes officers and baton-wielding hijab enforcers, both male and female, in Tehran’s Enghelab Square. The arrested women present on that day were taken away in ambulances, motorcycles, and white Peugeot cars. After a two-hour chase through the alleys of Enghelab to the route home, I was hit by tear gas and attacked by four plainclothes motorcyclists armed with batons and wooden sticks. I dragged myself to the next alley and street”.

Iranian women paint a harrowing picture of the oppressive and violent treatment they endure at the hands of their government. They recount experiences of being brutally targeted for the slightest deviation from the state-imposed dress code, such as improper hijab. Women are not only subjected to arbitrary arrests and physical assaults but also face severe, life-altering consequences for resisting these draconian measures. The government’s response to any form of dissent is often swift and ruthless, with agents employing excessive force, including beatings, shootings, and threats, to enforce compliance.

One woman’s testimony encapsulates the pervasive fear and helplessness felt by many:

Government’s Hostility and Vengeance

The rise in activism in Iran has made these very women significant force, leading the government to see them as a threat at both social and structural levels. Women’s issues, such as the compulsory hijab, are increasingly difficult for the Islamic Republic to justify internationally, adding pressure on the regime.

The hijab is central to the Islamic Republic’s identity, especially after the 1979 revolution when its enforcement impacted women’s workforce participation. Any concession on the hijab is viewed as a step towards secularism, which the regime perceives as an existential threat. Therefore, women’s demands for freedom and equality are seen as a fundamental challenge to the regime’s ideological foundation.

These factors have fueled the government’s hostility towards women. Traditional societal norms in Iran complicate the government’s ability to label women protesters as terrorists or vandals, giving women more freedom to radicalize their protests. The government’s use of extreme and illegal measures, such as sexual violence against female detainees, strict new laws, and brute force, highlights its desperation to maintain control.

Following the 2022 protest, the ‘Hijab and Chastity bill’ was introduced, eventually expanding from 15 to 70 articles to enforce stricter regulations on mandatory hijab and gender segregation in public spaces. The bill imposes severe penalties, including fines and corporal punishments, and utilizes technology like AI for enforcement. It empowers the Basij group, intensifying societal control. Despite concerns about privacy and freedom, the bill has been pushed forward, with recent amendments requiring police to obtain legal authorization before intervening in certain cases.1011

The Hijab and Chastity Bill violates several key international human rights standards, especially under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Iran is a signatory. Firstly, the bill violats the Right to Freedom of Expression ( Art, 19 ICCPR); compulsory dress interferes with the freedom of expression and Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience, and Religion ( Article 18, ICCPR) International law upholds an individual’s right to wear religious attire is voluntary, therefore forcing women to adhere to religious dress code contravenes this right.

Additionally, the Bill also violates the right to Gender Equality and Non-Discrimination (Article 3, ICCPR). The law disproportionately targets women and enforces gender-based discrimination. By mandating specific dress codes for women only, the bill discriminates on the basis of gender, violating the principle of equality before the law. Gender-based discrimination is explicitly prohibited under international human rights law​.

Lastly, The bill violates article 17, ICCPR, by enforcing strict dress codes through surveillance and state monitoring (including street enforcers and the potential for penalties based on social media activity), the law infringes on the individual’s right to privacy. Intruding into personal dress choices and punishing non-compliance directly violates the principle that individuals should be free from unwarranted interference in their personal life​  

Amir-Hossein Bankipour Fard, a member of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, stated on May 12,2024  that under the Hijab and Chasity bill citizens could be arrested for four reasons. (1) Individuals who are considered to be semi-naked, (2) those who are ‘connected’ to anti-regime or foreign groups, (3) Individuals who resists after being warned, (4) foreigners who do not have acceptable documentation with them. These measures, like many, are vague in nature leaving far too much discretion in the hands of authority. This subsequently led to the deportation of Kobra Gholami in August 2024. She is an Afghan citizen and researcher at Al-Zahra University, who was deported to Afghanistan after she “received a warning about her hijab”, Bankipour has also  stated that the nƒahmew bill will include camera surveillance. 

Unprecedented Repression Signals a Growing Threat

Despite the government’s efforts, women’s activism continues, signaling its failure to fully suppress their movement. This situation has led to unprecedented repressive measures, including the potential issuance of death sentences to women activists, as a drastic and symbolic attempt to reassert control.

Among the harsh measures taken against women is the imprisonment of eleven prominent female activists in Gilan province. This crackdown on dissent extends to the imposition of death sentences as a form of retaliation. For example, Sharifeh Mohammadi, a labor activist, has been sentenced to death on charges of ‘Baghi’ (armed rebellion). Similarly, Pakhshan Azizi, a political prisoner, also received the death penalty on charges related to her alleged membership in anti-regime groups. Arrested on August 4th, 2023, in Tehran, Azizi was denied access to a private lawyer and was unable to see her family. After enduring four months of intense interrogation, she was transferred to the women’s ward of Evin Prison, where she remains detained.

The Iranian government’s relentless crackdown on women’s activism reveals its profound fear of losing control over a society that is increasingly demanding basic human rights and freedoms. Despite decades of repression, women in Iran continue to challenge the regime’s authoritarian grip, especially around the issues of compulsory hijab and broader gender discrimination. The state’s response—marked by escalating violence, arbitrary arrests, and draconian legislation—reflects its desperation to maintain an ideological stronghold that is becoming ever more tenuous. However, the resilience of Iranian women, who persist in their fight despite the ever-present threat of severe punishment, underscores a growing crisis for the regime. The harsh measures, including imprisonment and even death sentences, may silence some voices temporarily, but they also ignite a deeper resolve among others, ensuring that the struggle for freedom and equality in Iran is far from over. As one activist poignantly stated, “Hope lies in the continuous efforts of ordinary people to live, to expand life; hope lies in the progressive slogans of the masses despite the absence of progressive mass organizations and the presence of reactionary opposition media; hope lies in women not backing down from the street battles for their minimal freedoms despite the severe consequences. If there is any hope for me, it is certainly in the streets of Iran and among the people who have repeatedly risked their lives over the years and have attacked the Iranian regime.’

In a conversation with HRA a woman shares her experiences being arrested and interrogated by Ministry of Intelligence forces:

Insights from Iranian Women

The conditions faced by women in Iranian prisons are a stark testament to the regime’s efforts to suppress dissent and break the spirit of those who challenge its authority. Women imprisoned for their activism, resistance to the mandatory hijab, or other acts of defiance endure extreme hardships that are both physical and psychological in nature.

Testimonies from women detainees reveal a disturbing pattern of abuse. One prisoner recounts, “They tried to break us with isolation and deprivation, but our resolve only grew stronger.” In facilities like Evin prison, women are subjected to solitary confinement, where they are cut off from the outside world, denied basic rights such as medical care, and prevented from contacting their families.12 The unsanitary conditions, overcrowding, and lack of proper nutrition exacerbate their suffering, turning their imprisonment into a daily battle for survival.

High-security wards like Ward 209 in Evin Prison, controlled by the Ministry of Intelligence, are notorious for their harsh conditions. Women held here, often those seen as particularly threatening to the regime, are isolated even further. “They moved me to Ward 209 to silence me, but even in the darkness of solitary confinement, I knew I had to keep fighting,” said one woman who experienced this brutal treatment.

Hunger strikes have emerged as a desperate form of protest for these women, who use their bodies as the only means left to demand justice. The Iranian authorities respond to these protests with predictable cruelty. Rather than addressing the grievances of the prisoners, they intensify the repression. One prisoner stated, “When they saw we wouldn’t break, they only made it worse—more isolation, more threats.” In some cases, prisoners who refuse to wear the chador during court appearances or police check-ins face additional punishment, such as relocation to even harsher wards or further restrictions on their already limited freedoms.

Despite the brutal conditions, the spirit of resistance among these women remains unbroken. Their courage and resilience not only highlight the severe abuses they face but also serve as a beacon of hope and defiance against a regime determined to silence them. As one woman powerfully expressed, “They can imprison our bodies, but they will never imprison our fight for justice.”

A testament to unwavering commitment

Since the tragic and unlawful death of Mahsa Zhina Amini while in state custody, Iranian women have continued to demonstrate unparalleled courage and resilience in defiance of a systematic campaign of gender-based oppression orchestrated by the Iranian government. The international community must recognize and support this movement–and not only at times when it makes the headlines.

Despite decades of structural repression, Iranian women remain at the forefront of a growing movement for equality, fundamental rights, and personal autonomy, persistently challenging the discriminatory policies and practices of the regime. The Iranian government’s brutal attempts to suppress these voices – through widespread and systematic use of violence, arbitrary detention, and gender-based discriminatory laws – clearly amount to a sustained attack on the fundamental human rights of women.

As HRA’s investigation into the crime against humanity of gender and political persecution demonstrates, the ongoing state-sanctioned violence against women and girls in Iran fits squarely within the legal parameters of such crimes under international law. Under Article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), gender persecution is recognized as a crime against humanity when it involves “the intentional and severe deprivation of fundamental rights contrary to international law by reason of the identity of the group or collectivity.” The Iranian regime’s pervasive gender-based discrimination, coupled with its violent enforcement of discriminatory laws, constitutes such a deprivation of rights, including the rights to life, liberty, and security of person, freedom of expression, and freedom from torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

Although Iran is not a party to the Rome Statute, which specifically enumerates gender persecution as a crime against humanity, customary international law imposes binding obligations on all states, including Iran, to prevent and punish acts of persecution on the basis of gender.

Customary international law, derived from consistent state practice, holds that persecution—whether on political, racial, religious, or gender-based grounds—violates fundamental human rights.

This oppression is not an isolated incident but part of a broader state policy aimed at the systemic subjugation of women. HRA’s investigation highlights the widespread and systematic nature of this persecution, a defining characteristic of crimes against humanity under international law. The regime’s crackdown on women’s rights activists and political prisoners is designed to stifle dissent and maintain a patriarchal structure that is incompatible with the basic principles of gender equality enshrined in international human rights instruments.

Testimonies collected by HRA from activists and political prisoners further reinforce the conclusion that the regime’s repressive tactics, while temporarily silencing some, cannot extinguish the movement for gender equality and human dignity. 

As one woman interviewed by HRA expressed: “I hope that women will be recognized as half of the country’s human population and that conditions will change in a way that respects their rights and human dignity, and we will see them enjoying basic freedoms such as social freedoms.” 

Such sentiments are a testament to the resilience and determination of Iranian women and symbolize the hope for a future where gender equality is realized, and repression is met with accountability. 

It is essential for the international community to stand in solidarity with Iranian women, whose activism challenges not only gender inequality but also a deeply entrenched system of oppression that violates the very essence of universal human rights. There is both a legal and moral obligation to respond. The fight for women’s rights in Iran is not only a struggle for gender equality; it is a critical component of the global fight for justice, human dignity, and the rule of law and silence is complicity. 

https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/203107/1/sadeghi_boroujerdi_2023_iran_s_uprisings_for_women_life_freedom_over_determination_crisis_and_the_lineages_of_revolt.pdf ︎https://learningpartnership.org/sites/default/files/resources/pdfs/One-Million-Signatures-Campaign-English_0.pdf
︎ HRA’s reporting includes both civilians and security forces, though the vast majority of those killed were civilian protesters.
︎ See HRA and parter UpRights inivestigation into the crime of humanity of gender and political persecution in the context of the 2022 protests, https://www.hra-iran.org/hra-with-legal-support-of-uprights-gender-political-persecution-in-iran-since-at-least-sept-2022-2/
︎ https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf ︎ https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf ︎ https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf ︎ https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/MDE1380292024ENGLISH.pdf ︎https://www.en-hrana.org/report-on-violent-arrest-of-teenage-girls-in-tehran-over-mandatory-hijab/?hilite=two+girls ︎The important objection of the Guardian Council to the Chastity and Hijab bill about the police force ︎“Hijab and Chastity” bill; Resolution of two “ambiguities” of the Guardian Council by the Parliament ︎https://www.en-hrana.org/womens-rights-activists-zohreh-and-zahra-dadras-arrested-to-commence-serving-their-sentences/ ︎

The post An Increase in Women’s Activism alongside Rising Government Hostility in Iran –“They can imprison our bodies, but they will never imprison our fight for justice.” appeared first on Human Right Activists In Iran.

Today, Human Rights Activists (in Iran) (HRA) submitted recommendations for the “Consultatie Wet internationale sanctiemaatregelen” to the Dutch Government. As the Netherlands modernizes its Sanctiewet 1977, HRA’s submission underscores the importance of implementing human rights sanctions strategically through collaboration with NGOs and cooperation with allies.

HRA has been tracking individuals involved in human rights violations in Iran through its Spreading Justice initiative. This database documents violations with detailed narratives and supporting evidence. In recent months, HRA has collected data across five jurisdictions—the USA, EU, Canada, Australia, and the UK—identifying nearly 400 sanctioned individuals and entities. In the past 5 years, HRA has aided in providing at least one piece of the information required to designate more than 50 targets across five jurisdictions.

The submission highlights discrepancies in sanctions between jurisdictions and emphasizes the importance of targeting what HRA refers to as Low-Level High-Impact Individuals (LLHI), who play significant roles in human rights abuses. Coordinating with EU member states and allies like the USA, UK, and Canada, along with involving NGOs in the consultation process, will enhance the effectiveness and impact of sanctions.

Targeted human rights sanctions aim to hold perpetrators accountable, deter potential violators, and uphold international human rights standards without harming innocent civilians. The involvement of NGOs enriches the accuracy and legitimacy of these sanctions by leveraging their frontline insights and local knowledge.

The post HRA Submits Recommendations for Effective Human Rights Sanctions appeared first on Human Right Activists In Iran.

In recent weeks, Hojjatoleslam Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei[1] issued new so-called “Guidelines for Establishing Repentance”[2] in accordance with Articles 114 to 119 of the Islamic Penal Code of 2013[3] and Clause “J” of Article 24 of the Executive Regulations of the Prison Organization.

According to Ejei, the new guidelines aim to reform and rehabilitate offenders while reducing recidivism. The guidelines outline a detailed process for appointed evaluators to evaluate repentance claims and emphasize the significant role of religious and legal repentance in the judicial system.

Within the guidelines, the definition of repentance is assessed as a psychological state involving a person’s return to God after committing a crime. The alleged offender must recognize the wrongness of their behavior, express genuine regret, commit to avoiding such behavior in the future, and make efforts to rectify the damage caused. If the accused claims repentance at any stage of the judicial process, they may submit their request along with evidence to a reviewing authority.

To support this review process, a new body has been created to review repentance claims. This body includes representatives from the judicial guidance and assistance unit, appointed social workers, and the classification council. Their role is to evaluate the sincerity of the repentance claim, considering factors such as adherence to religious obligations, compensation for damages, expression of regret, cooperation in uncovering crimes (informing on accomplices etc.), avoiding criminal associations, public service, treatment for addictions, and behavioral reform as assessed by appointed social workers. Cases involving repentance claims are to be reviewed expeditiously, with detailed reporting required within two weeks.

Articles in the New Guidelines for Establishing Repentance

Article 1, Definition of Repentance: Repentance is described as a psychological state where an offender returns to God after committing a criminal act. It involves recognizing the wrongfulness of the behavior, expressing regret, reforming behavior, committing to avoid future offenses, and making efforts to rectify the damage caused.

Article 2, Submission of Repentance Requests: Accused or those already convicted of crimes can submit requests for repentance along with evidence at any stage of the judicial process. The head of the penal institution can report evidence of repentance observed in the accused or convict, supported by a social worker’s report and the classification council’s confirmation.

Article 3, Verification of Repentance Claims: Judicial authorities may refer the accused or those already convicted to the judicial guidance and assistance unit or the penal institution for verification of repentance claims.

Article 4, Reporting Results: After referral by the judicial authority, the judicial guidance and assistance unit and the penal institution must report the results in detail within two weeks. If reporting within the specified time is not possible, this must be communicated to the judicial authority for further action.

Article 5, Criteria for Establishing Repentance:

Practical adherence to religious obligations.
Compensation for damages caused by the crime or arranging compensation or obtaining forgiveness from the victim or private claimant.
Expressing regret and providing a written commitment not to re-offend.
Effective cooperation in uncovering the crime or identifying accomplices.
Commitment to avoid associating with malicious individuals, accomplices, and crime partners.
Providing public services or participating in charitable activities.
Undergoing treatment and quitting addiction.
A written report by a social worker indicating behavioral reform.

Article 6, Review and Decision by Judicial Authority: Judicial authorities review cases out of turn, considering factors such as the personality file, behavioral file, and opinions from relevant institutions. If repentance is established, evidence is recorded in the decision.

Article 7, Repentance in Hudud Crimes: If repentance affects the punishment in Hudud crimes and is claimed after the final verdict, the prosecutor or penal institution reviews the evidence. If genuine repentance is found, it is reported to the court that issued the verdict and the judicial assistant of the judiciary. The judicial assistant informs the head of the judiciary for an appropriate decision.

Article 8, False Claims of Repentance: Claimants of repentance are informed that if the repentance is later proven to be given under false pretense, leniency and exemptions granted will be revoked, and they will face the maximum Hudud or discretionary punishment applicable.

Article 9, Implementation Responsibility: The Attorney General is responsible for the proper implementation of these guidelines.

Significance of Understanding Hudud Crimes

Understanding hudud crimes crucial for grasping the full implications of the guidelines.

Hudud punishments are a primary category of punishment in Islamic Penal Law, where the specific type and quantity are predetermined by Islamic jurisprudence. To impose such a punishment, the perpetrator must be mature, sane, and aware that their act is religiously forbidden. Crimes warranting hudud include adultery, theft, alcohol consumption, and others, with punishments such as flogging, amputation, execution, and exile. Crimes not explicitly mentioned in the penal code are judged based on credible Islamic sources and fatwas creating an even deeper concern around the subjective nature of punishment.

These punishments are severe and are intended to act as deterrents.

The implementation of hudud punishments is based on the 2019 Regulations on the Execution of Hudud Punishments, which strictly prohibit judges from altering the prescribed type, quantity, or method of punishment.

As outlined above, the new guidelines explicitly address how repentance claims affect severe punishments. The guidelines state that if repentance affects the punishment in hudud crimes and is claimed after the final verdict, the evidence of genuine repentance is reviewed by the prosecutor or penal institution. If genuine repentance is found, it is reported to the court that issued the verdict and the judicial assistant of the judiciary, who informs the head of the judiciary for an appropriate decision. The new guidelines state that genuine repentance can potentially mitigate these punishments even after a final verdict. However, this reliance on repentance introduces several additionally human rights concerns.

Consideration of Non-Shia and Non-Muslim Populations in Iran

According to official narratives, at least 10% of Iran’s population—amounting to between 8 to 9 million people—are not Shia Muslims. This demographic includes a significant number of Sunni Muslims, whose Islamic jurisprudence diverges from Shia interpretations, particularly regarding issues such as repentance. Furthermore, there are also Iranians who do not adhere to Islam at all, including members of various religious minorities, already facing persecution.

The failure to address the rights of these citizens is evident in the directive, which does not consider the non-Shia population all but ignoring their very existence. The implementation of laws grounded in religious principles introduces a lack of transparency and creates a substantial gap in legal protections. This diversity of views raises concerns that the increasing influence of religion within the judicial system will lead to administrative corruption, marginalize millions already facing persecution solely on the basis of beliefs, and result in subjective decisions superseding established legal codes.

Millions of citizens, including non-Shia Muslims and members of other religious minorities, are at risk of being marginalized and denied equitable legal protections.

Human Rights Concerns

he reliance on subjective assessments of repentance can lead to arbitrary and inconsistent judgments. Factors like practical adherence to religious obligations and expressions of regret are inherently subjective, which violates the right to a fair and impartial trial as enshrined in international human rights standards. In addition, the assessment of repentance involves subjective criteria such as expressions of regret and adherence to religious obligations. This subjectivity can result in arbitrary and inconsistent judgments, making the already bleak fairness and impartiality of the justice system worse.

The threat of severe retribution if repentance is deemed insincere undermines the principles of due process and fair trial. This threat potentially coerces individuals into expressing repentance out of fear of harsher penalties. The guidelines also do not provide adequate safeguards against coercion or undue pressure on the accused to claim repentance.  In an environment where individuals might feel compelled to demonstrate repentance to avoid severe punishment, there is a risk of false confessions and insincere repentance claims, which could lead to unjust outcomes. Furthermore, the potential for maximum Hudud punishments, which can include execution, raises serious concerns as such practices are prohibited under international human rights law.

Visit Peace Mark Magazine Online

Peace Mark Magazine is published monthly, and released on Mondays, featuring contributions from prominent thinkers, sociologists, and Islamic scholars who discuss and critique the latest policies of the Iranian government. With the recent launch of an English version to our website, https://www.peace-mark.org/en/ we invite you to explore the current issues including insightful articles by Islamic scholars and student activists regarding the new repentance guidelines.

Today the 159th issue of the Peace Line Monthly Magazine has been published. This issue also includes articles and commentary from: Ehsan Haqi, Sina Yousefi, Ghasem Baadi, Reza Alijani, Elahe Amani, Majid Shie’ali, Dina Ghalibaf, Motahareh Gonaei, Abdolali Bazargan, Amin Ghazai, Seyed Mohammad Sahafi, Mehdi Anbari, Alireza Goodarzi, Mostafa Daneshgar, Kazem Alamdari, Ahmad Alavi, Amir Aghaei, Monireh Baradaran, Bahram Rahmani, Sara Nadafian, Ali Kalai, Hormoz Sharifian, and other human rights activists.

[1] Review the profile of documented rights violations attributed to Ejei in HRA’s Spreading Justice database, https://spreadingjustice.org/new-islamic-penal-code-of-the-islamic-republic-of-iran-book-one-two/

[2] https://mehrnews.com/x35kkL

[3] Review the Islamic Penal Code (2013) in HRAs’ Spreading Justice Research Center, https://spreadingjustice.org/new-islamic-penal-code-of-the-islamic-republic-of-iran-book-one-two/

The post Iran’s New Guidelines for Establishing Repentance Incompatible with the States Human Rights Obligations appeared first on Human Right Activists In Iran.

In a groundbreaking publication today, Human Rights Activists (HRA) has released an extensive report detailing Iran’s longstanding practice of recruiting the economically disadvantaged segments of society, including asylum seekers, immigrants, and using child soldiers in armed conflicts. The report particularly spotlights the exploitation of Afghan minors within the Fatemiyoun Division. This comprehensive investigation sheds light on a series of violations of international humanitarian law and international children’s rights, revealing the depth of Iran’s involvement in the recruitment, training, and deployment of children in combat zones.

The primary focus of this report, prepared by Spreading Justice (a database of human rights violators), the Pasdaran Documentation Initiative, and the HRANA news agency, is on the use of children—specifically individuals under 18 years of age—in war zones, who are predominantly of Afghan nationality and, to a lesser extent, Pakistani.

Purpose of Publishing the Report:

Unmasking the Exploitation of Vulnerable Populations: The primary aim of this report is to unmask the systematic exploitation of vulnerable populations, with a particular focus on Afghan immigrants and minors, by Iran’s military and paramilitary forces. Through detailed accounts, testimonies, and evidence, HRA endeavors to bring to the forefront the realities of these practices that have long been shrouded in secrecy and obfuscation.

Promoting Transparency and Accountability: This report also aims to encourage transparency and accountability regarding the recruitment and use of child soldiers. By conducting a thorough analysis of Iran’s recruitment networks, training centers, and the roles played by various institutions and commanders, HRA seeks to ensure that those responsible for these violations are held accountable.

Encouraging International Action and Dialogue: This report aims to spur international action and dialogue on the urgent issue of child soldiers.It calls for a united global effort to address and mitigate the factors driving the recruitment of child soldiers, advocating for policy reforms and the implementation of protective measures in line with the principles of international humanitarian law and children’s rights.

Through this report, HRA not only highlights the grave injustices experienced by child soldiers but also provides a roadmap for change, urging all stakeholders to commit to protecting the most vulnerable in conflict zones.

Executive Summary: A Deep Dive into Iran’s Recruitment of Child Soldiers

HRA’s report is a comprehensive analysis that exposes Iran’s systematic recruitment and exploitation of child soldiers, particularly focusing on the use of Afghan minors within the ranks of the Fatemiyoun Division, a paramilitary group fighting in Syria under the auspices of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). This investigation is the result of meticulous research, including interviews with former child soldiers, analysis of recruitment tactics, and examination of the training and deployment processes.

Key Findings of the Report:

Systematic Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers: The report exposes Iran’s long-standing practice of systematically recruiting child soldiers, a practice dating back to the Iran-Iraq War and persisting through its involvement in the Syrian conflict. It details how Iran targets vulnerable populations, particularly Afghan refugees and immigrants, many of whom are minors, coercing them into military service with promises of financial rewards or legal residency.

Violation of International Laws and Conventions: The HRA’s findings reveal Iran’s egregious violations of international law, encompassing both International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law. Despite its obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which prohibits the use of children under 15 in hostilities, Iran has been documented recruiting children as young as 14. This flagrant disregard for international norms extends to Iran’s failure to adhere to the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention on child soldiers and Customary International Law. These actions highlight Iran’s blatant disregard for its international commitments and the urgent need for accountability.

Inadequate Training and Preparation: The investigation details the insufficient and hastily conducted training provided to these child soldiers and other recruits, often lasting only three to four weeks. The training primarily focuses on combat tactics rather than imparting a comprehensive understanding of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). This lack of proper training not only exposes these children to immense danger on the battlefield but also contravenes the principles of IHL, which Iran is obligated to teach its armed forces.

Exploitation and Coercion: The report exposes the exploitation and coercion inherent in Iran’s recruitment practices. Testimonies from former child soldiers and other former members reveal a troubling pattern of manipulation, where minors and individuals in precarious visa situations are coerced into combat roles under threats of violence or death. Promises of financial compensation and legal status made to them are consistently broken.

High Casualty Rates and Lack of Support: One of the most harrowing findings is the disproportionately high casualty rates among the Fatemiyoun Division’s child soldiers. Testimonies and data point to instances where a significant amount of child soldiers were deployed in combat operations with minimal support, resulting in significant loss of life and injury. Furthermore, the report criticizes the lack of adequate support for injured child soldiers and the families of those killed in action, highlighting a neglectful and dismissive attitude by the IRGC towards these individuals upon their return from Syria.

Call to Action: In light of these findings, the report urges immediate action from the international community, including the implementation of targeted human rights sanctions for human rights abusers, support from international organizations and non-governmental organizations working on the ground to protect vulnerable populations from recruitment. Emphasizing Iran’s duty to uphold international standards, the report urges Iran to immediately halt its recruitment of child soldiers and to initiate comprehensive measures for the rehabilitation and support of those already impacted by such egregious practices.

The report by HRA is not just a condemnation of Iran’s actions but a plea to safeguard the rights and well-being of children caught in conflicts. By shedding light on these issues, HRA seeks to catalyze global efforts to ensure that no child is coerced into bearing arms and that those who have suffered receive the support needed to rebuild their lives.

Methodological Challenges:

HRA report on the recruitment and use of child soldiers by Iran represents a significant accomplishment, prepared despite considerable security and information challenges. Conducting research in a context where access to reliable data is heavily restricted, and where subjects of investigation face significant risks, required innovative approaches and steadfast determination. The organization’s commitment to uncovering the truth led to the deployment of undercover investigations, extensive interviews with survivors, and collaboration with a network of local activists, all undertaken while ensuring the safety and anonymity of those involved.

The International Community’s Role

The international community cannot afford to overlook the findings of this report. The documented violations have profound implications for global peace, security, and human rights. Addressing the use of child soldiers requires a concerted effort from nations worldwide to:

Invitation to Engage

HRA urges all concerned individuals, organizations, and government entities to engage with this critical issue by reviewing the full report. By understanding the depth and severity of the violations against children in armed conflicts, collective work can be done to safeguard the rights of the vulnerable.

To access the comprehensive report and learn more about the findings and recommendations, please download the full PDF version by clicking on the image below. HRA encourages readers to contact us with any questions, insights, or support for our ongoing efforts to protect human rights worldwide.

The active involvement and support of individuals are instrumental in addressing the use of child soldiers and upholding human rights globally. Collaboratively, efforts aim to contribute to positive change, fostering a safer, more just world for future generations.

Click Here to Download the Full Report in English (PDF)

For more information please contact Skylar Thompson, Director of Global Advocacy and Accountability at Human Rights Activists in Iran (HRA) skylar[at]hramail.com

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Afghanistan International – Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) has reported that the Islamic Republic of Iran has, for years, coerced migrants, especially Afghan children, into military service with promises of financial rewards and legal residency.

According to the report, Iran has dispatched Afghan children to fight in Syria as part of the Fatemiyoun Brigade.

A group of human rights activists in Iran published a comprehensive report on Tuesday, March 12, documenting Iran’s long-term operations of recruitment and use of child soldiers in warfare.

The main goal of this report is to expose the systematic exploitation of vulnerable populations, with a special focus on migrants and Afghan children by Iranian military and paramilitary forces.

The findings of this group of human rights activists document and highlight Iran’s violation of several international laws, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which stipulates that children under 15 should not be recruited or used in conflicts.

The activists have called for immediate action from the international community, including sanctions, diplomatic pressures, and support for NGOs working to protect vulnerable populations from child recruitment.

The report notes that one of the most concerning findings is the high casualty rate among child soldiers in the Fatemiyoun Brigade.

HRANA added that Iran has recruited Afghan children into the Fatemiyoun Brigade and Pakistani individuals into the Zainabiyoun Brigade.

Fatemiyoun Brigade is a militia group affiliated with Iran’s Quds Force, claiming to organise volunteer Afghan forces for deployment to Syria to fight against Bashar Assad’s opponents and ISIS.

According to HRANA’s report, the Fatemiyoun Division began its operations in 2013, marking the first deployment of Afghan “Fatemiyoun” defenders to Syria.

The report indicates that recruitment agents initially targeted Afghans for enlistment in this force, from factories to prisons, with promises that going to Syria would annul their prison sentences, stabilise their residency status in Iran, and provide them with houses and significant amounts of financial support.

HRANA, quoting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the former Afghan government, wrote, “Tehran has exploited the poverty and deprivation of Afghans who migrated to Iran for its sectarian and expansionist interests and goals.”

Samad Rezai, a commander of the Fatemiyoun in 2018, stated that at least 80,000 individuals under the Fatemiyoun brigades were deployed to Syria, with 2,800 reported as killed.

Zuhair Mujahid, the charge of cultural division of the Fatemiyoun Brigade, announced in 2017 that more than two thousand members of the Fatemiyoun forces had been killed in the Syrian war, with eight thousand wounded.

Recruitment of Children for the War in Syria

HRANA says that most members of the Fatemiyoun Brigade were Afghan migrants. According to the report, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps was also active in recruiting within Afghanistan and had unofficial offices in the country.

Although the exact number of child soldiers in the Fatemiyoun is unclear, HRANA’s evidence suggests that the Revolutionary Guards have used children under 18, even under 15, as soldiers to join the Fatemiyoun and participate in the Syrian war.

HRANA’s report states that in 2017, Human Rights Watch confirmed the use of at least eight Afghan children in the Fatemiyoun Brigade by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps. All these Afghan children were killed in the Syrian war, and four of them were only 14 years old at the time of their death.

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UNSR Dr. Javaid Rehman presents final report as mandate holder to the U.N. Human Rights Council, 18 March 2024

Today, Dr. Javaid Rehman, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, presented his final report as mandate holder to the United Nations Human Rights Council .

HRA welcomes Dr. Rehman’s analysis, particularly his spotlight on the alarming prevalence of death penalty charges, including for drug related offenses and for juvenile offenders.  Despite the clear violation of Article 6 of the ICCPR, Iran persists in executing individuals on drug-related charges and other crimes that do not amount to “most serious” under international law. Furthermore, the report exposes the egregious mistreatment of women, girls, human rights defenders, lawyers, and minorities, illustrating instances of forced confessions, unfair trials, and discriminatory practices. The aforementioned– all themes HRA has worked diligently to document and work closely with the mandate to share insights throughout the reporting period.

HRA embraces the recommendations outlined in the report , advocating for a moratorium on executions, the abolition of the death penalty, and improved legislation concerning child offenders.. It also underscores the imperative to uphold the right to a fair trial in accordance with the ICCPR, prevent threats, harassment, and arbitrary arrests of human rights defenders, and release individuals detained for exercising their fundamental freedoms. See HRA’s latest report on the situation of female political prisoners for more on our work in this regard.

HRA is proud to be present at the United Nations Human Rights Council in its 55th Session, standing in solidarity with and bringing the voices of Iranians to the international stage. In light of the expansive issues touched on in the report, it is imperative that Member States of the Human Rights Council vote to renew the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on Iran. This will ensure the continuation of vital work such as documentation, reporting, and archiving in the manner exemplified today.

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In the “Moj” program on Amu TV, Parastoo Azizi (director of the Spreading Justice) and Sharif Ghalib, former advisor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan, discussed and analyzed the improper use of children in wars. A new report by Human Rights Activists reveals Iran’s involvement in recruiting and using child soldiers, especially Afghan citizens, in the Fatemiyoun Division. This research, a collaboration between Spreading Justice, the PDP Initiative, and HRANA, aims to expose violations of international laws and children’s rights.

در برنامه موج از شبکه آمو، پرستو عزیزی (مدیر پایگاه اطلاعاتی دادگستر) و شریف غالب، مشاور سابق وزارت خارجه افغانستان به بحث و بررسی پیرامون استفاده ناروا از کودکان در جنگ‌ها پرداختند. گزارشی جدید مجموعه فعالان نشان دهنده دخالت ایران در جذب و استفاده از کودک سربازان، به ویژه شهروندان افغانستان در تیپ فاطمیون است. این تحقیق که حاصل کار دادگستر، ابتکار پاسداران و هرانا است، افشای نقض قوانین بین‌المللی و حقوق کودکان را هدف قرار داده.

AMU TV Youtube Link

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